DESPITE THE ENORMOUS DESTRUCTION and loss of life – and, more importantly, the loss in average biological quality of life — in the First World War, the second quarter of the century saw another spurt of racial progress. Great strides forward in the race’s understanding of the universe were made, and powerful new tools based on that understanding were acquired. Advances in aviation, electronics, the controlled release of nuclear energy, medicine, and biology were enormous.
From the chemists came plastics and a multitude of other new materials. Metallurgists, electrical engineers, and agricultural scientists made more progress than in any previous 25 years in history. Antibiotics, the electronic digital computer, and television were born.
Of greater significance ultimately than all these scientific and technological advances was the dawning of a new sense of racial consciousness and racial mission during the second quarter of the century, and the establishment of a new society based on this awakened racial feeling and dedicated to the goal of racial progress. The new society was that built by Adolf Hitler and his followers in National Socialist Germany between 1933 and 1945.
It was a society from which alien racial elements and alien spiritual and cultural influences were progressively excluded. The Jews who had been burrowing into German cultural life since the Napoleonic Wars of the previous century were rooted out of the universities and the government bureaucracy, the newspapers and the cinema, radio broadcasting, and book publishing.
The homosexuals who had been parading along Berlin’s main streets in women’s clothing were rounded up and packed off to labor reeducation camps to think things over. Drug dealers and communist activists found themselves facing the executioner’s ax. The mulatto offspring of French-colonial Negro occupation troops and German women, stemming from the postwar period, were sterilized, along with tens of thousands of congenitally defective Germans.
The whole country was infused with a new spirit of health, vigor, and purpose. From kindergarten child to assembly-line worker; from urban housewife to farmer, university student, or soldier, there was a carefully planned, organized effort directed at each segment of the German population and aimed at integrating that segment into the national-racial whole as a healthy, functional, productive part.
An enormous investment was made in educational and recreational programs: curricula for the schools were redesigned to develop a strong sense of racial identity in each child; young adults were taught to look for the best racial qualities when seeking mates and to think of marriage as a sacred institution for producing the next generation of the race; workers were taken on group outings to different parts of the country in order to broaden their outlooks and augment parochial loyalties with national feelings; pageants, public lectures, folk festivals, fairs, parades, and other activities were used extensively to stimulate an understanding of, and an appreciation for, their cultural heritage among the people; hikes, campouts, and athletic endeavors of every sort — skiing, gymnastics, swimming, shooting, fencing, sailplane piloting — were organized for boys and girls throughout the country.
The Marxist-tinged labor unions were dissolved, and in their stead factory employees, together with factory owners and managers, were organized into a corporative industrial structure which not only reconciled the sometimes conflicting interests of labor and management, but which raised above both of these the interests of the nation. The Jewish-Marxist tactic of class hatred and class struggle, which had been used to divide the Jews’ Gentile hosts against themselves, was forced to give way to a new spirit of class cooperation for promoting the common interest.
The differing values of human beings were no longer determined by the amounts of money they were able to accumulate, but by their inherent racial quality and by the social value of their work. The refuse collector, of sound racial stock, who performed his essential task well and responsibly, was held in higher esteem than the money-hungry entrepreneur who made millions by exploiting the gullibility or the vices of his fellow men or by controlling the access to some essential commodity. In fact, the latter was likely to end up in a labor reeducation camp alongside the panhandler, the pimp, and the professorial purveyor of the lie of human equality.
Every businessman in National Socialist Germany was permitted the freedom to make a reasonable profit, so long as he served the public interest in doing so, and the freedom to starve, so long as he did so without making a public nuisance of himself. These two freedoms were recognized by the government as the two most certain guaranties of efficiency in the nation’s economy.
Therefore, every socially and racially responsible form of private enterprise was encouraged, while raceless, international finance-capitalism was sharply curtailed. The storekeeper who worked on his own premises, the independent craftsman who rented out his own skills, and the manufacturer who built up and managed his own plant — that is, who put his life into his enterprise, and not just his hoarded capital — were given the benefit of favorable legislation; a great many of the people who had formerly made their profits from speculation and from usury, from shuffling papers and knowing when to buy or sell, were put out of business. Those among the latter who had thought that Hitler would be forced to deal with them in order to keep his government and Germany’s industry solvent were simply bypassed when he turned to international barter instead of international finance as a means of building Germany’s foreign trade in the face of a lack of liquid capital.
Most significant of all the institutions which formed the basis for Hitler’s new Germany was that designed for producing the future leaders of the country. Although the National Socialist German Workers’ Party had attained power in January 1933 by purely democratic means, those who believed that Hitler’s movement was only another political party, perhaps a bit more radical than the others, or that he intended to allow a continuation of “business as usual” in the political realm were mistaken in the most fundamental way.
Hitler was determined from the beginning that the new Germany would be a state ruled by a definite view of life, and not by politicians chosen either by power brokers in smoke-filled back rooms or by the fickle and easily manipulated masses. The leaders of the state would henceforth be men trained, screened, and selected for that task from their early youth, not those political candidates with the most fetching smiles and convincing lies, as was the rule elsewhere in the West.
Beginning at the age of six years, the National Socialist youth organizations — first the Young Folk and the Young Girls, then the Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls — began training young Germans in willpower and character development, at the same time instilling in them a race-based view of life and a new set of fundamental values. After that came a two-year work period in the National Labor Service.
Finally, for the very best, there was the SS (Defense Echelon), which was much more than either a military or a political organization, although it was these too. The SS was also a holy brotherhood, an order of warrior-priests ordained as guardians of the National Socialist world view.
In the brief span of 12 years during which National Socialist Germany existed — only six of these years in peace — miracles of economic, social, scientific, and artistic achievement were wrought. While the United States and other Western nations still wallowed in the massive unemployment and misery of the Great Depression, Hitler had already restored Germany to full employment and prosperity. What the democracies could only achieve by aiming for war, Germany did as early as 1936 by building roads and Volkswagens.
The degeneracy and decadence which had characterized the democratic Weimar regime in Germany prior to 1933, with all its prancing homosexuals, self-destructive drug addicts, jaded thrill seekers, musical and artistic nihilists, pandering Jews, Marxist terrorists, and whining self-pitiers, were gone, and in their place was a nation of healthy, enthusiastic, self-reliant, and purposeful Germans: a nation led by progressive men and women conscious of the value of their race and their culture and committed to the advancement of both on all fronts.
And Germany was the only such nation in the White world. Italy had undertaken a number of progressive social, economic, and governmental reforms after the victory of Mussolini’s Fascist movement in 1923, but Fascism failed to put race in the center of life, as National Socialism did. [In America also, betterment of the race was encouraged through the eugenics movement and related legislation, and in 1924 a partial recognition of the importance of race was incorporated into our nation’s immigration laws. But the Jewish forces were working assiduously to corrupt both the academy and public life here, and all of America’s racial progress — sadly, based mostly on half-measures designed “not to offend” the increasingly aggressive Jews — stood teetering on the brink and was soon to fall. — KAS]
In the non-White world Japan provided an outstanding example of race-consciousness, but it was not a new development for that country.
Nor, of course, was it new to the Jews, a people more chauvinistic than any other — and at the same time implacably hostile to every manifestation of national or racial feeling except their own. This hostility is understandable, in view of the unique Jewish lifestyle as a coherent minority everywhere in the midst of a majority of different race. One of the requirements for the maintenance of this lifestyle is that the host majority be kept incoherent and unconscious, lest it, like the pharaoh who “knew not Joseph,” rise up against the Jews and spew them out.
Thus, it was world Jewry which publicly declared war on National Socialist Germany only six months after Hitler took office as chancellor. In his declaration of war (published in the August 7, 1933, issue of the New York Times), Jewish leader Samuel Untermyer explicitly noted that he expected the Jews’ Christian friends to join them in their “holy war” (his words) against Germany.
And, of course, they did — not just the illiterate fundamentalists from America’s Appalachia, who, not knowing any Jews personally, found it easier to believe the Old Testament claim of Jewish “chosenness” than those who lived in closer proximity to the Self-Anointed Ones, but also the mainline Christians of America and Britain, the more intelligent of whom recognized in the National Socialist world view a creed antithetical to their own.
And the Gentile members of the international capitalist set, who were more than a little alarmed by Germany’s unorthodox financial arrangements, joined as well. As did the Marxists of every shade, of course, from parlor Pinks to revolutionary Reds. Everyone with a vested interest in the continuation of the decaying old order eventually enlisted in the “holy war” against Germany.
Altogether it was quite an orchestra: Catholics joined forces with Lutherans and Holy Rollers to stamp out the dangerous National Socialist heresy of the primacy of race and the breeding of the Superman; barter-hating bankers and competition-fearing manufacturers pitched right in with communist union organizers and academic Bolsheviks to put an end to a system which had succeeded in getting laborers and managers to work together more productively than in any other nation; and on the conductor’s podium stood the Jew, who had to destroy Germany before the growing new race consciousness there spread to other lands.
It was one thing to recruit these elements, each of whom would lose if White resurgence continued. It was more difficult to recruit the rest of the White population, especially in the United States, which had everything to gain from the continued realization of Hitler’s dream: the annihilation of Bolshevism, for one thing; the liberation of their kinfolk in Europe from the influence of the Jew and the yoke of finance-capitalism, for another; best of all, the example of a proud, free, racially conscious White nation and its achievements.
In the 1930’s and early 1940’s the Jews had not yet consolidated their grip on all the news and entertainment media of the English-speaking world. There were no television networks, of course, and there were still many independent newspapers and magazines. A united opposition to Jewish war plans by alert Whites might have won the day.
Most Whites, however, were neither alert nor united. Their “leaders,” the products of a democratic system, were generally devoid of both character and any sense of responsibility. Only an exceptionally bold, selfless, and responsible few — men like aviation pioneer Charles Lindbergh — spoke out effectively. The Jews, on the other hand, found many prominent and powerful Whites with no scruples against taking their money and following their lead. In the United States their chief instrument became Franklin Roosevelt, and in Britain it became Winston Churchill.
Still, it was not an easy job to convince millions of White men — the majority of them originally of German origin — to march off to Germany in order to butcher their White cousins, just because the latter had dared raise their hands against the Chosen People.
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Source: an excerpt from Who We Are